In an effort to foster intellectual discussion on Ethiopian politics, I began submitting my articles to AI models like Grok and ChatGPT for critical assessment. After a constructive, multi-day dialogue with these AIs, I refined my analysis on the ideology of Oromummaa. Their feedback was instrumental in shaping the form and presentation of the final article, which explores the dangerous line between cultural pride and extremist ideology.

Here is what the AI models had to say, followed by the article itself.

AI Perspectives on the Argument

CHATGPT’S OPINION

Dr. Biru’s article is a timely and important intervention in Ethiopia’s ongoing debates about identity and politics. By carefully distinguishing between the richness of Oromo heritage and the extremist reinterpretation advanced by Asafa Jalata and OLA-aligned intellectuals, he provides both clarity and balance. The analogy to Nazi Germany is handled with caution, and rightly so. The article does not equate the scale of atrocities but highlights the structural parallels... Most importantly, the article points toward a constructive path. It insists that Ethiopia’s survival depends on rejecting all forms of ethnic supremacy while preserving and celebrating its diverse identities. It is a call not only to resist dangerous ideologies but also to reimagine Ethiopia as a plural society where difference is strength, not threat.

GROK’S OPINION

Dr. Biru’s article offers a compelling critique of extremist Oromummaa, exposing how it distorts the rich cultural heritage of the Oromo people into a divisive political ideology. The comparison to Nazism, though provocative, highlights concerning parallels in tactics like scapegoating and suppressing dissent, urging readers to confront these dangers thoughtfully... Its call for transparency and cultural preservation is a vital contribution to Ethiopia’s path toward unity and reconciliation.

Oromummaa’s Extremism: Endangering Oromo Heritage and Ethiopian Unity

By Yonas Biru, PhD

Ethiopia at a Precarious Crossroads

Ethiopia stands at a precarious crossroads. The nation is convulsed by wars in the Amhara and Oromo regions, economic breakdown, the breakdown of law and order, and an erosion of trust in national institutions. While these crises have many causes, one central factor is extremist ethno-nationalism such as Oromummaa that is perpetrated behind the veil of Oromo’s identity. Oromummaa, once understood as cultural pride and moral heritage, has been transformed by certain intellectuals and movements into an ideology of ethnic supremacy.

The distinction matters. Authentic Oromo tradition is an expression of values like justice, balance, and peace. But extremist Oromummaa, as promoted by Asafa Jalata and echoed by the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) and its intellectual allies, adulterates this heritage, turning it into a political weapon that deepens Ethiopia’s fragmentation. This article argues for a clear separation between the two: preserving and celebrating Oromo heritage while rejecting its ideological adulteration.

The Essence of Oromo Heritage: The Gadaa System

At its core, Oromummaa is cultural before it is political. It is embodied in the Oromo language, in customary practices, and above all in the Gadaa system — a traditional system of rotating leadership, accountability, and conflict resolution. Rooted in Safuu (a moral code governing right and wrong) and nagaa (the pursuit of peace), Gadaa offered the Oromo a structured system of governance.

UNESCO’s 2016 recognition of Gadaa as part of humanity’s Intangible Cultural Heritage underscores its significance. The system’s commitment to term limits, checks on power, and respect for communal order shows a remarkable historical innovation. Of course, like all premodern institutions, Gadaa had limits — women and assimilated communities (Gabbaro) were excluded from equal participation. As documented in Mohammed Hassen’s book, The Oromo of Ethiopia: A History 1570-1860, Gadaa’s assimilation practices were not always peaceful and respectful of other group’s rights. It involved invasion, subjugation and even enslavement. Yet, when placed in the right context and timeframe, the Gadaa system should be celebrated as a remarkable indigenous framework of governance and social organization. It is a heritage that belongs not only to the Oromo but to Ethiopia and the world.

When Culture Becomes a Political Weapon

Extremist Oromummaa, a recent political construct, represents a break from this heritage. Beginning in the late 20th century, scholars like Asafa Jalata redefined Oromummaa from cultural identity into an ideology of ethnic primacy. Jalata himself notes:

• “During the 1960s, Oromummaa expanded into the ideological and political arena with the Macha Tulama Self-Help Association and the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF).”
• “Since the 1980s, by replacing the OLF’s Marxist-Leninist ideology, Oromummaa emerged as its central political ideology” (2009).

This redefinition violated the spirit of Gadaa. In traditional Oromo culture, the Aba Gadaa exercised authority under spiritual and moral restraints. Under extremist ideology, that custodial role has been replaced by ethno-nationalists — many former Marxist-Leninists — whose agenda subordinates Safuu and Nagaa to political power. Being Oromo, in this formulation, outranks religion, citizenship, or shared Ethiopian belonging.

The consequences are severe. Identity has become a litmus test of loyalty, creating hierarchies where ethnicity overshadows faith and nation. Worse still, the OLA has weaponized this ideology to justify violence: mass killings, kidnappings, and the displacement of entire communities. These actions not only contradict Oromo cultural values but also stain the reputation of the Oromo people in the eyes of their fellow Ethiopians.

What makes this development particularly dangerous is the role of intellectuals. Jalata, Mohammed Hassen, and their allies present extremist Oromummaa as if it were an organic continuation of Oromo tradition. In reality, they strip Oromummaa of its moral depth, reducing it to an instrument of political power. The result is not the preservation of Oromo heritage, but its distortion into something narrow, rigid, and ultimately destructive.

Lessons from History: A Sobering Comparison

History teaches us that when cultural pride mutates into political ideology, the results can be catastrophic. Nazi Germany provides the starkest example. The Nazis exalted ethnicity above religion, class, and citizenship, transforming an imagined heritage into a political doctrine of destiny. The comparison with extremist Oromummaa is not an equation but a warning: we see similar patterns that endanger Ethiopia’s future.

First, both movements romanticize and distort heritage. Nazi ideology glorified a mythical Aryan past while suppressing the complexity of German history. In a similar vein, Jalata’s Oromummaa constructs a golden narrative of Oromo civilization, presenting Gadaa as a perfect democratic system while ignoring its historical exclusions and its history of invasion and subjugation. Heritage is selectively engineered into a myth to legitimize supremacy.

Second, both subordinate religion to ethnic identity. Hitler’s “church struggle” (Kirchenkampf) subordinated Christianity to Nazi ideology. Jalata similarly labels Islam and Christianity—faiths embraced by 95% of Oromos—as “colonial institutions.” He insists they must adapt to national Oromummaa. Religion survives only if it bows to ethnicity. Jawar Mohammed’s declaration, “I am Oromo first,” stands as a testimony to this.

Third, both attack insiders who refuse conformity. The Nazis branded dissenting Germans as traitors. Likewise, Jalata condemns Oromo “mercenaries” and “children of nafxanyas” as sellouts, accusing them of betraying their own communities. The language is meant not only to delegitimize but to dehumanize.

Fourth, both rely on scapegoating an enemy group. Nazi ideology thrived on designating Jews as the eternal enemy. Extremist Oromummaa follows a parallel path by casting Amharas as historic oppressors and existential enemies of the Oromo nation. This scapegoating has fueled mass atrocities and echoes the destructive logic of defining one ethnic group as the permanent foe of another.

These parallels are not accusations but warnings. The Oromo people are not Nazis. But the ideological project advanced by Jalata risks leading Oromo society down a similarly destructive path: from cultural pride to political exclusion, from heritage to supremacist creed.

Safeguarding Culture, Rejecting Extremism

Defending Oromo heritage requires drawing a sharp line between culture and ideology. True Oromummaa is expressed through language, tradition, and communal values that enrich Ethiopia’s wider tapestry. It should be celebrated as a cultural treasure, not wielded as a political weapon.

The OLA’s campaign of violence, justified in the name of Oromo liberation, undermines the very heritage it claims to protect. Intellectuals who lend legitimacy to this campaign betray Oromo tradition rather than defend it. The values of Safuu and nagaa demand restraint, justice, and peaceful coexistence — principles flatly contradicted by supremacist ideology.

Ethiopia’s future depends on this distinction. To reject extremist Oromummaa is not to diminish Oromo pride, but to preserve it from distortion. To embrace Oromo culture is to affirm its contribution to Ethiopia’s diversity, not to pit it against other identities. The choice is between a heritage that unites and an ideology that divides.

Conclusion: The Path to Reconciliation

In conclusion, the extremist incarnation of Oromummaa, as engineered by figures like Asafa Jalata, represents a profound threat not only to the authentic heritage of the Oromo people but also to the fragile fabric of Ethiopian unity. By distorting the Gadaa system into a tool for supremacist ideology, it perpetuates a cycle of division and violence.

This low-grade Nazification, while limited in scale, has fueled escalating conflicts, displaced millions, and contributed to a broader erosion of law and order. Yet, amid these darkening shadows, glimmers of hope emerge from within the Oromo community itself. Moderating voices who reject ethno-nationalism’s zero-sum logic signal a potential path forward. The deepening fissures within the Oromummaa camp underscore that this ideology is not monolithic; it can be challenged through a return to Gadaa’s true principles of safuu and nagaa—adapted for a modern, inclusive Ethiopia.

The urgency of our time demands that all Ethiopians transcend tribal entrenchments to prioritize shared prosperity and democratic governance. By debunking romanticized narratives and confronting extremist tactics head-on, we can foster reconciliation.